Last week we saw how a doctor in New York had sought to diagnose bad housing by mapping its morphological aetiology. Almost at the same time another doctor, this time in Chicago, made a comprehensive study of the incidence of tuberculosis in the Near West Side of Chicago. His report’s striking graphics, which show built form and land use alongside the mortality cases, were another step forward in using maps as a way to test hypotheses regarding the causes of contagious disease (Figure 1 and detail in Figure 2).
The spatial solution for disease in the ‘body’ of the city shifted over time. By the end of the nineteenth century, Charles Booth was advocating suburbanisation as the best solution to “the evils of over-crowding”, proposing a system of tramlines to provide easy commuting routes that would allow London to be broken up into suburban centres. These were to be constructed alongside a programme of widening thoroughfares, and the opening up of courts to allow for a battle to be fought against “the war with dirt, disease, and premature death.[i] At the same time in the United States, following the New York State Commission, other states picked up the issue of overcrowding, not only at building scale, but also at the scale of the lot or the block (in something of a recollection of the early Housing Acts of the city). In one example, a map of a Blind Alley in Washington and its associated report was explicitly attributing the lack of through passage as one of the causes of disease and crime in the city (see Figure 3).[ii]
The ‘Blind Alley’ map was published in a ‘Directory of Inhabited Alleys in Washington’ from 1912, which was drawn up to allow for easy inspection of the alleys .[iii] The directory cites the death rate in the alley as exceeding the death rate in streets by a considerable degree, with the highest causes being pneumonia and tuberculosis. The solution is also outlined in the directory; it cites the relevant District Codes which will allow for the alleys and minor streets to be extended, widened or straightened for purposes of improving health. In fact, the subtle analysis of Alley Life in Washington by James Borchert refutes this argument, describing how rather than being hidden communities marked by immorality and disease’, the Black-American immigrants from the Southern states had made the most of the layout of street layouts such as these to reinforce internal communal ties, creating a reciprocal relationship of support.[iv]
By the end of the nineteenth century major advances in bacteriology meant that the biological causes of diseases, a long list of which includes tuberculosis, tetanus, dysentery – and the old enemy cholera – shifted the focus from mapping disease to the new urban problem of the era: mass immigration. Not only was this seen to be intensifying poverty in urban areas, but was also coupled in the public mind with contagious disease, reaching its peak when outbreaks of yellow fever became associated with Chinese migration to major cities in Australia, the US and the UK. One striking example of how fear of contagion led to racialized mapping of San Francisco’s Chinese quarter will be look at in a later blog post. In the meantime, we will see next week the impact of race on motorcar ‘accidents’.
[i] Booth, C. Improved Means of Locomotion as a First Step Towards the Cure of the Housing Difficulties of London. Abstract of the Proceedings of Two Conferences Convened by Albert Browning Hall, Walworth. London: Macmillan, 1901, p. 23. Sources have his contemporary (General) William Booth, founder of the Salvation Army, advocating moving the poor from the filth and squalor of the slums to “a neat little cottage in the pure air of the country”
[ii] The map was published in Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones. “Directory of Inhabited Alleys of Washington.” Washington: Housing Committee Monday Evening Club,, 1912, p. 1. The scan from the directory is courtesy Jenny Schrader from her web log http://jennysschrader.com/2017/01/alley-life-in-washington-dc-1920s/.
[iii] Jesse Jones, 1912, p. 6.
[iv] Bochert, J. “Viewing the “Underclass” and Ghetto from the Top Down.” Journal of Urban History 25, no. 4 (May 1999 1999): 583-93, p. 2.